Follow NewsClips channel at Brighteon.com for more updatesSubscribe to Brighteon newsletter to get the latest news and more featured videos: https://support.brighteon.com/Subscribe.html

Culture McDonald’s Goes Native The fast food chain is in the news as a proxy for “regular” America, but in the global era, it has become all things to all peoples. The late M. Stanton Evans used to say that when he went to a French restaurant, he “expected French fries.” This was a pose struck for comic effect. The former national chairman of the American Conservative Union, author and syndicated columnist, Evans was by no means the rube he sometimes pretended to be.  A product of Yale and New York University, where he studied under Ludwig von Mises, Evans adopted this philistine affectation, some say, to make it known to all and sundry that he was not going to compete with his contemporary and fellow Yalie, William. F. Buckley Jr. Many “conservative movement” types in Washington seem to have regarded Buckley as insufferably effete, and Evans was determined to be seen as a reg’lar guy.  On the few occasions that he actually ate in French restaurants, he would go out of his way to mispronounce French words. There was the time he dined with Buckley and his brother James, the former senator, at Rive Gauche in Georgetown. When the waiter wheeled the dessert tray to their table, Evans inspected it, passed on the chocolate “mouse,” and asked instead for red Jello. I thought of Stan the other day when I read that the McDonald’s in Paris now serves the McBaguette—a “baguette stuffed with two burger patties, two slices of Emmental cheese, lettuce and French mustard,” Clarissa Wei reports in the Dial. In Saudi Arabia, “customers wait patiently until sundown for the Ramadan special: a McArabia Chicken pita sandwich with a soft serve ice cream. In Argentina, a McDonald’s dessert can be alfajores, sandwich cookies filled with dulce de leche caramel sauce.” There are now 40,000 McDonald’s in 100 countries, serving fast-food to 69 million customers per day, “a figure surpassing the population of France or the United Kingdom.” McDonald’s, it turns out, has taken over the world, only to surrender to the hoity-toity tastes of ungrateful furriners.  What, then, is the point of world domination? And what’s a red-blooded American overseas supposed to do? With so many illegal immigrants flooding into this country, how soon will the Mickey D’s in, say, Springfield, Ohio, be serving stewed-goat MacMuffins? Stan, his stomach growling, would shudder in disgust.  Well, I get it, but maybe there is another way to look at all this. McDonald’s has achieved world domination by adopting a business strategy firmly rooted in a tradition that might just be quintessentially American. It’s one that Washington politicians determined to impose federal rules and regulations on the rest of us too often ignore. McDonald’s has succeeded around the world because, as Wei writes, it is a franchise operation “comprising a large network of small business owners servicing their local communities. These local entrepreneurs infuse regional flavors, textures and trends into their menus to appeal to their customers.” (That, you might say, is its secret sauce.) Other American companies, adopting this approach, are prospering as well. Starbucks in Japan sells yuzu citrus tea. At a Pizza Hut in Mexico, customers order bastones la lechera. It is the American branding that is making it possible for these companies to succeed, with McDonald’s showing the way. There’s a term for this, apparently, which is “glocalization.” Here, again, is Wei: In the U.S., fast-food chains are utilitarian spaces, a means to an end. A place to pick up a quick fix on the way home without getting out of one’s car. Yet abroad, many are proper sit-down restaurants and have become destinations—places of leisure, pleasure and even joy. For many people who might never set foot in the U.S., these restaurants represent the platonic ideal of America: a land of convenience, efficiency and modernity wrapped up in a paper bag with a side of fries. McDonald’s is not, as James Beard once claimed, just some “great machine that belches forth hamburgers.” It is also a brand, so much so that presidential candidates now affect authenticity by claiming to have worked at a McDonald’s or pretending to do so now. It’s fun to imagine Evans pulling up to the drive-through window, spotting Kamala Harris in the background flipping burgers, as Donald Trump takes his order. It’s fun, too, to imagine Stan, who took such pleasure in being ornery, ordering the chocolate “mouse,” “with a side of Grey Poupon.”  The post McDonald’s Goes Native appeared first on The American Conservative.

Politics Why American Foreign Policy Fails The fools who run Washington believe they also run the world. Credit: Kanokratnok The United States exited the Second World War both rich and secure. The U.S. homeland was essentially untouched, and Americans remained almost invulnerable afterwards. No war was likely to come to our shores.  Unfortunately, the peace offered little wealth and security to everyone else. So Americans joined other nations’ wars, patrolling the globe during the Cold War, which sometimes turned scorching hot. Taking on this burden imposed a measure of humility even in Washington. Despite persistent demands for intervention, U.S. presidents painfully learned their limits. For Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower there was an unsatisfactory stalemate in Korea. Eisenhower and Lyndon Johnson refused to battle the Soviet Union to liberate Hungary and Czechoslovakia, respectively. Johnson also left the USS Pueblo’s 82 surviving crewmembers in North Korean captivity for nearly a year.  There was an even more painful surrender of Indochina by Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Rather than deploy additional service members to South Vietnam or drop nuclear weapons on North Vietnam, they ultimately left friendly Vietnamese atop the U.S. embassy forlornly waiting for rescue. After making a desultory effort to free America’s captive embassy staff in Tehran, Jimmy Carter gave up. In 1981 Ronald Reagan did not oppose the Soviet-inspired crackdown in Poland; he later abandoned Lebanon’s civil war after a bombing killed 241 Marines. Democrats and Republicans, liberals and conservatives, and hawks and doves all realized that there were limits to American power. Then came the collapse of the Soviet Union, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, and the humiliation of communists worldwide. Washington perceived an entirely new world, reflected by George H.W. Bush during the first Gulf War when he announced, “What we say goes.” In that conflict it did. But only in that conflict. Clinton’s intervention in the Balkans halted the fighting, but failed to remake those lands in America’s image. Somalia and Haiti also proved impervious to his attempted social engineering. Constant bombing of Iraq did not bring quiescence or peace. The catastrophic presidency of George W. Bush followed, with lies masquerading as facts and fantasy replacing analysis. Thousands of Americans and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis died needlessly throughout the Mideast and South Asia. Barack Obama fueled civil wars in Libya and Syria in the name of democracy. Although Donald Trump denounced feckless allies for shirking their defense responsibilities, he left U.S. personnel everywhere.  Joe Biden, perhaps America’s most experienced but least prepared chief executive on foreign policy, apparently believed that he was “running the world” even as failures accumulated. Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman continued to oppress his people while humiliating the president, rejecting administration pleas to increase oil production. Russia’s Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine after Biden rejected negotiation, haplessly relying on his force of personality and threats of sanctions to deter Moscow. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ruthlessly played Biden, using American-provided weapons to slaughter Gazan residents and clear territory for settlement by his extremist supporters.  Now his administration is demanding that the People’s Republic of China break up the ongoing bromance between Putin and North Korea’s Kim Jong-un. In advance of the election that ostentatiously dismissed Biden’s presidency and formalized his status as a lame duck, Secretary of State Antony Blinken announced, “I think they know well the concerns that we have and the expectations that, both in word and deed, they’ll use the influence that they have to work to curb these activities. So we’ll see if they take action.” This is Washington’s policy? The Biden crew has “expectations” that China will act as directed, “to curb” actions by both Russia and North Korea. And the administration—with less than three months left in office, led by an increasingly decrepit president repudiated by the American public while pushing a passel of failed policies—will be waiting for Beijing’s compliance. Such arrogance is endemic to Washington. More than three years ago, Leon Panetta, chief of staff under Clinton and defense secretary and CIA chief under Obama, dismissed fears of war with the PRC: “I think frankly if China understands that we’re serious about [Taiwan], China’s not going to do that.” All Washington solons need do is speak a few cross words while flicking their little fingers and members of China’s leadership are expected to scurry back into seclusion in their luxurious quarters in Zhongnanhai, awaiting Washington’s next grandiose pronouncement.  The PRC especially is not likely to take well this explanation of America’s “expectations.” China represents an ancient and proud civilization, once dominant in Asia and possessed of the world’s largest economy. Alas, this historical chapter ended badly. Chinese the world over are well aware of the so-called Century of Humiliation, during which European powers, along with the U.S. and Japan, occupied and plundered the decrepit empire. Of course, the Chinese Communist Party uses this saga to its political advantage. However, most Chinese remain proud of their extraordinary heritage and critical of Western imperialism. Their nationalism comes naturally and is offended by foreign governments spouting sanctimonious diktats. Today, Beijing is especially tired of lectures from Washington. Unsurprisingly, the PRC views current U.S. policy as hostile: promoting military containment up to its border in East Asia, imposing economic sanctions to hinder China’s access to high-tech products and services, waging a trade war to protect inefficient American manufacturers, and insisting that Beijing abandon its security objectives and commitments because Washington says so. One can defend all of these policies from a U.S. standpoint, but no American would respond with a warm smile if another nation took a similar approach toward the U.S. Last week I spoke with a senior Chinese diplomat about the new Russia–North Korea axis. He observed with some asperity that Washington was in no position to seek the PRC’s assistance in that regard. He politely cited the state of China–U.S. relations. I suspect that his preferred response to Blinken would have been a redux of tennis legend John McEnroe’s infamous Wimbledon shout: “You cannot be serious!” Moscow and Pyongyang have generated significant headlines with the arrival of several thousand North Koreans in Russia. Nevertheless, even if actively involved in combat, their numbers are not great enough to change the war’s balance of power. Far more significant so far has been the North’s provision of artillery shells and missiles. In any case, China is not to blame for Vladimir Putin’s sudden embrace of Kim Jong-un. To the contrary, there is plenty of evidence that Beijing is unhappy with the move. Until recently the DPRK was primarily a Chinese, not a Russian, client. However, Moscow has relieved the North from its long and chilly reliance on the PRC. Pyongyang was never a dutiful and grateful partner and now is free to ignore Xi Jinping’s opinions.  Nor is Xi likely pleased with the controversy created by North Korea’s increasingly close relationship with Russia. The possible consequences are many. U.S.–South Korea–Japan ties may be strengthened, today’s limited relationship between NATO and America’s Asian allies may be expanded, and/or European and South Korean relations with China may suffer. All this with Beijing being blamed, however unfairly, for Russian cooperation with the North. But there really is little that the PRC can do about Pyongyang. The latter was never very compliant, even when almost totally reliant on China. Kim knows that Xi does not want a failed nuclear state on his border, with the potential for mass refugee flows, civil war, and loose nukes, and is prepared to play a high-stakes game of geopolitical chicken with his nominal ally. Moreover, the DPRK can now turn to Russia if Xi applies unwelcome pressure on North Korea. In practice, then, Beijing’s only option would be to press Moscow to back off. However, that is no more likely. With Washington seemingly irrevocably hostile, the PRC’s highest priority is to ensure that Russia does not lose in Ukraine. China does not want to be alone, facing a network of trans-Pacific and Atlantic alliances. Nor does it want to be known for selling out its friends to aid its avowed adversaries. One of which the U.S. obviously has become. Indeed, it is Washington, with the aid of its European allies, that has pushed Russia into the arms of both China and North Korea. Mao Zedong was unhappy with “destalinization,” which implicitly criticized his cult of personality. Moscow and Beijing fought a bitter border war in the 1960s. China and Russia have conflicting interests in Central Asia, while Beijing has muttered menacingly about the continuing unfairness of territorial concessions made to Czarist Russia by Imperial China. However, mutual antagonism toward the U.S. today outweighs the past and has brought Moscow and Beijing together. Similar is the case of Russia’s relationship with Pyongyang, which cratered after the former recognized South Korea in 1992. Although bilateral ties later improved, North Korea remained only of secondary interest to Moscow. Russia joined the PRC in supporting sanctions against the DPRK. Amid all the summitry in 2018 and 2019, Kim met Putin only once, for a day, in 2019 in Vladivostok. It is unlikely that Moscow has changed its basic opinion of its problematic neighbor. Rather, the West’s proxy war-plus—imposing wide-ranging economic sanctions and providing weapons to Ukraine responsible for the deaths of thousands, and probably tens of thousands, of Russian personnel—led to predictable retaliation. The Putin government has bolstered the North, and other American adversaries, creating problems for Washington elsewhere. Unwilling to admit the destructive consequences of their policy, many U.S. policymakers dismiss these results as ephemeral, with Russia’s newly invigorated relationships likely to wane when natural contradictions, disagreements, and disputes come to the fore. However, Moscow’s new malign partnerships are likely to last so long as the West is underwriting war against Russia. Moreover, some impacts could be permanent, such as any support for Pyongyang’s missile and nuclear programs. Then the architects of present policy would be left to repent at leisure as the DPRK attained the ability to incinerate American cities. Unfortunately, there is little that Washington can do today to enlist China to break the Russia–North Korea entente. Imperiously dictating America’s “expectations” certainly won’t work. What America says no longer goes. U.S. policymakers must adapt to a world in which its skills at persuasion will be as if not more important than its tools of coercion. The post Why American Foreign Policy Fails appeared first on The American Conservative.

Politics Will the Democrats Ever Learn? The message and the messenger were both flawed in now familiar ways. Credit: Samuel Corum/Getty Images Donald Trump’s astonishing political comeback might come down to the fact that, within the span of a decade, the Democratic Party has transformed itself into one that prioritizes lawfare at home and warfare abroad.  In late 2015 and early 2016, as Trump began to gain traction as a national candidate, the Clinton campaign found itself the object of neoconservatives’ newfound affections.   Back then, the neoconservative scholar Robert Kagan spoke for many others when he likened Trump’s takeover of the GOP to when “the plague descended on Thebes.”  In the ensuing years, particularly during the DNC-funded, MSNBC-driven Russiagate panic (which some enterprising journalists are still peddling), neocons and mainstream Democrats became indistinguishable—to the detriment of the latter. The gross McCarthyism that had long been a feature of neocon polemics on Israel became the defining feature of Democratic foreign policy discourse. Perhaps the lowest point in a crowded field was Hillary Clinton’s public accusation that the decorated combat veteran and three-term congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard was “groomed” as the “favorite” candidate of the Russians. What Gabbard and other dissident Democrats knew then is something that all Democrats should understand now, that neocons lead to defeat—both at home and abroad No one can say they weren’t warned. Upon leaving the Democratic Party in 2022, Gabbard charged that, The Democrats of today believe in open borders and weaponize the national security state to go after political opponents. Above all else, the Democrats of today are dragging us ever closer to nuclear war. Kamala Harris’s decision to anoint former “Wyoming” Congresswoman Liz Cheney (R-McLean) as one of her chief surrogates was only part of a larger messaging misfire. “Democracy,” voters were incessantly warned, “is on the ballot.” Well, that fell flat. One reason, the most obvious, is that polls repeatedly showed that voters put the economy as their chief worry—followed by illegal immigration. Another reason, more esoteric but no less true for it, is that people understand that the U.S. is a democracy mainly because it calls itself one. The other campaign message, related, was that Trump is a “fascist.” This also didn’t stick. To apply the term to Trump is to simply misunderstand the term. How many opposition (i.e. mainstream, legacy, corporate) news outlets did Trump shut down in his first term? How many opposition parties? How many times did he seek to jail his political opponents or his many critics in the media? Did he crush the George Floyd riots with the heavy hand of the military? The fact of the matter is that Trump didn’t even overrule his own octogenarian NIH director over disagreements over the COVID lockdowns. Calling Trump a fascist is to confuse an insult comic for Hitler. By the look of the election results, accusations of fascism fooled few. Indeed, the election results showed that the Democrats’ strategy of demonization didn’t pay. It was the economy all along. As I pointed out only two weeks ago in these pages, “recent economic indicators point to a souring mood among the electorate—bad news for Harris.” So there’s the message, and then there’s the messenger. Harris’s brilliant start could not, in the end, cover for her glaring weaknesses. Biden’s decision to drop out of the race energized the base and made (some) people forget that up until that point Harris had been a historically unpopular vice president. As the journalist Elaina Plott Calabro noted,  In June 2023, an NBC News poll put Harris’s approval rating at 32 percent. While Biden’s own approval numbers, in the low 40s, are hardly inspiring, the percentage of those who disapprove of Harris’s performance is higher than for any other vice president in the history of the poll. This past May, Howard Husock, a domestic policy scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, wrote, “It is hard to conceive of anything that would better revive Biden’s failing fortunes—and reassure the nation that a capable replacement was waiting in the wings—than the bold act of asking Harris to step aside” as vice president.  A month later, just prior to the Biden debate meltdown, a POLITICO/Morning Consult poll found that “only a third of voters” thought it likely Harris would win the general election if she were the nominee. Only three out of five Democrats polled thought she could prevail. Democrats around the country are waking up to what they perhaps, deep down, knew all along: Kamala Harris was never the answer. The post Will the Democrats Ever Learn? appeared first on The American Conservative.

?????????: Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has announced that all teenagers under the age of 16 will be banned from social media access in Australia.

Contact your Federal MP now and express your concerns. Credit to Max Freedom for the video. Also they are pushing it faster than two weeks so action is urgent right now! https://youtu.be/qseCA71gvi8?si=PtbwHBq1naDbG_LO

With a billion-dollar hit movie and multiple original titles being released, 2023 has been the year of Mario. Now, the Nintendo and Square masterpiece, Super Mario RPG, originally released in 1996 and spawned two “Mario RPG” series for a total of eleven spiritual sequels, gets a remake that gives it the respect it deserves.   The Good: Visuals and audio are faithful to the original New features add to the experience without taking anything away The Bad: Minor performance issues The Ugly: Nothing Super Mario RPG Arte Piazza, the developers responsible for the Dragon Quest remakes, helmed this remake of the 1996 classic turn-based JRPG first developed by Square-Enix for Nintendo and released in the U.S. as “Super Mario RPG: The Legend of the Seven Stars.”Mario players once again set out to rescue Princess Peach from Bowser only to discover an even meaner foe, Smithy, has taken over Bowser’s castle and is using it as the beachhead for an interdimensional invasion.  One of Smithy’s lieutenants shattered the star road into seven individual stars, and without it in the sky, peoples’ wishes can no longer come true. To save the day, Mario must team up with both new and familiar characters, including a runaway Princess Peach and even his now down-on-his-luck archnemesis, Bowser, to reunite the seven stars and expel Smithy from this dimension.Players control Mario as he treks across several continents, searching for the seven star fragments, which have all inconveniently fallen into dangerous places and attracted the attention of boss-level enemies.  Play On, Player – Gameplay As a turn-based RPG, the action is menu-driven rather than driven by action, and the game still manages to reward player reflexes with the “Timed Hits” system. Hitting the “A” button at the right moment during an attack will greatly increase the damage done, and likewise, figuring out the right moment when being attacked will greatly reduce the damage taken. It’s a simple mechanic, but it’s extremely effective at keeping the player engaged in the game’s multitudinous battles. A “Mario” game wouldn’t be a “Mario” game without its platform elements. However, the traditional ¾ isometric view and Mario’s overly twitchy motion make it difficult to judge jumps, meaning even the most seasoned players will find frustration with what would be simple platforming in any other Mario title. This is one of many aspects where, for better or worse, the remake remains fully faithful to the original. The minigames in Super Mario RPG are, unsurprisingly, reminiscent of some of the minigames from other Square RPG contemporaries, such as Final Fantasy VI (1994). To give players a chance at better finish times, higher scores, and bigger rewards, most, if not all, of the minigames can be repeated as needed. ArtePiazza did a fantastic job preserving the look of all of the minigames, but of particular note is the minecart minigame, which still resembles the Super NES “Mode 7” rotation and scaling effect.  If you know, you know.In addition to the copious mini-games, Super Mario RPG is sprinkled with puzzles that must be solved for game progression and obtaining special items. Players who aren’t dirty rotten lowlife pond scum cheaters who would never dream of Googling the solutions might want to have a pad and pen handy to help with some of the puzzles because, in true old-school fashion, the game doesn’t just “remember” clues for you when trying to solve a multi-part puzzle. Forget or neglect to write it down, and it’s back to the beginning to re-examine the clues. For the Nerds In The Hizzy – Graphics When Super Mario RPG (1996) came along, Nintendo and Square used the best technologies available to them at the time. The game cartridge was built with the SA-1 enhancement chip, which is like an additional CPU that triples the clock speed of the SNES, among other things.  The graphics were pre-rendered on a high-end workstation and digitized as sprites, giving everything a smooth, rounded 3D appearance. Character movement was super smooth and almost artificially quick, perhaps in an attempt to maximize the additional processing speed of the SA-1.  For this remake, the spirit of that visual style was carefully preserved. The character models all have plenty of rounded geometry, and although they’re now being rendered in real-time, they still move in the slightly awkward, slightly too fast way that gave the original game such a distinct feel.   I’m Forever Yours, Faithfully – Sound Composed by Yoko Shimomura, the iconic music of Super Mario RPG (1996) was just as top-notch as every other aspect of the game’s design. was.  Shimomura has returned for Super Maro RPG (2023), and every single composition has been remade, reorchestrated, and respected to such a degree that, if you were a fan of the original, you might be tempted, at times, to think this is what it sounded like all along.  Even better, the game menu has a setting to switch back to the original SNES soundtrack at any point. What Did They Mess With? A testament to the effectiveness of ArtePiazza’s minimalist approach is that it’s easy to forget that Super Mario RPG is a remake at all. That being said, changes have been made.  In the original, many of the more important story beats were conveyed by various characters performing comical pantomimes of previous events, which were really just moving the same character sprites around the screen. While the remake preserves most of these perfectly, and they’re just as funny as they ever were, certain significant events, such as Mallow’s Introduction and chasing Croco the Thief around Mushroom Town, have now been transformed into fully animated cutscenes.In addition to sprucing up the graphics and sound, there are several subtle quality-of-life improvements. Players can now travel to any previously visited location directly from the map screen rather than having to trek all the way back to an exit from the area like in the 1996 version. This is an enormous time saver. As the story progresses, your party will grow; however, only three party members can actively participate in battle at one time. When your party size grows beyond three, the additional members will be held in reserve. In the original game, reserve characters could only be swapped outside of battle. In this remake, however, reserve characters can now be swapped into your active party right in the middle of battle rather than just between fights. This makes it much easier to recover from a mistake if you are fighting something with a large type advantage and forgot to choose the right active party beforehand. Another minor addition is a “Breezy” (easy) mode, although the default difficulty is not very punishing to begin with.One of the best improvements in Super Mario RPG is the new post-game content that was added to give the game some replayability. In this version, after the credits roll, you’ll be invited to go back and play through a new cutscene where, now that you’ve restored the Star Road, several bosses have had their wishes come true, making them considerably more challenging and offer even greater rewards for defeating them. Even the secret Final Fantasy boss has a new form.  Beware. These bonus boss fights are very hard. You will not be able to brute force your way past them. Each can only be defeated by a boss-specific strategy that takes time to untangle. Even if you are a filthy cat-turd-eating cheater and look up the solutions, you’re still in for a challenge. You Had One Job Although it is very rare, the game suffers from occasional slowdown and frame skipping. This happened only two times during our playthrough and lasted for a combined total of only five or so seconds, but it was noticeable. Given the simple geometry of the characters and environments, it’s difficult to understand how any part of a game like this would still be unoptimized at release.  Final Thoughts This remake brings an RPG classic to a whole new generation who may have missed out on it. While it no longer stands out as a state-of-the-art experience, the original design was one of the most highly polished JRPGs of all time, and this light-touch remake allows that to shine through unhindered by its modern reinterpretation. Super Mario RPG is one of the most enjoyable JRPG games ever made and should not be missed. WOKE ELEMENTS There are no woke elements in Super Mario RPG.   Although it’s not the ultimate objective, Mario does, in fact, rescue Princess Peach. Princess Peach joins the player’s party as a usable character but isn’t portrayed as anything other than feminine and supportive of Mario. Her powerful healing abilities, like “Group Hug,” are far more useful than her offensive capabilities. There’s a comedic scene where two male characters try to kiss Princess Peach, but she sees it coming and jumps out of the way, so they miss and end up kissing Mario on the cheeks instead, but this is done for comedic effect; they’re revolted when they discover what happened. If the writers wanted this to be woke, they would have implied that one or both of them found it unexpectedly enjoyable.   The main antagonist, Smithy, is a living weapon, and all of his henchmen are living weapons. The goal of his conquest is to turn everything into weapons. If you squint and cock your head, this might look like an anti-military or anti-civil-defense agitprop, but Mario and the entire crew use weapons, including Geno, whose weapons are literally guns. Furthermore, Smithy is just a cranky, angry guy who doesn’t really resemble any real-world person or ideology.  The post Super Mario RPG first appeared on Worth it or Woke.

The soft boy scam. The post “Soft boy scam”: The lyric that The Big Moon wish they had written first appeared on Far Out Magazine.

Election 2024: The Revenge of the 'Fascist'

Democracy Lives in Brightness