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Palestinian Narratives Diverge From Reality
Much has been made of Biden’s purchase of Rashid Khalidi’s book, The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, which argues Israel is a settler colonialist enterprise. The Forward, a liberal Jewish newspaper, claims that its “abiding relevance is just one reason why American Jews and Israel supporters should … read Khalidi’s book, now.” It quotes Daniel Sokatch, CEO of the New Israel Fund, who wrote, “There is no better or more important introduction to this history from the Palestinian perspective than Khalidi’s book.”
As to the two million Arab citizens and Palestinians living in East Jerusalem, he has nothing useful to say.
Not surprisingly, Khalidi’s narratives most often ignore unpleasant facts. He suggests that the Arabs who populated what became Palestine had long lived there while Jews were recent immigrants. He neglects to mention that a large share of these Arabs were themselves nineteenth century refugees from Egypt, Russia, and other areas in the Ottoman Empire. (READ MORE from Robert Cherry: Progressives Don’t Want to Learn From Their Mistakes)
He neglects to mention that it was the Crusades that decimated the Jewish population, which nonetheless rebuilt their numbers so that well before European immigration, they were a plurality of Jerusalem residents. Moreover, Khalidi neglects to mention the large internal migration of Arabs from the West Bank to the coastal areas during the mandate period. These migrants married women from their West Bank home villages and often went there to help harvest crops. Thus, the notion that 1948 Palestinian refugees were displaced from their ancestral homelands is a very problematic narrative.
Khalidi minimizes the harmful role of the Mufti, Hajj Amin al-Husayni. Khalidi never mentions the pogroms he led in 1921 and 1929, his antisemitic actions while in Iraq, nor why, given his activities in support of Hitler, the Mufti was given a hero’s welcome when he found his way to Egypt after the war. Moreover, Khalidi substantially understates the violence perpetrated by the Mufti and his supporters to suppress any support for either the 1936 Peel Commission recommendation of a very small Jewish state or the later 1939 White Paper that reversed this position but still allowed a small amount of Jewish immigration to continue.
When the Woodhead Commission arrived to examine the prospects for implementing the Peel partition plan, the rebels were instructed “to kill every Arab who communicates with the commission in any form.” When the Mufti learned that one of the notables planned to testify, he wrote: “Those who go to meet the partition commission should take their shrouds with them.”
Khalidi spends little time analyzing why Jewish forces were so victorious during the civil war stage of the 1948 conflict. He never mentions that the leadership of the volunteer Arab Liberation Army (ALA) was Fawzi al-Qawuqji, a Lebanese Pan-Arabist who had served in Nazi fighting units. The ALA was without Palestinian leadership and up to 90 percent of volunteers were foreigners. Without much local support, it was hard to sustain military campaigns.
Over 150,000 Arabs fled by the end of March 1948, before Zionist forces began to implement Project Dalet, which Khalidi claims was an ethnic clearing policy. It was implemented solely to keep open crucial supply lines. The noted political scientist Meron Benvenisti claimed, “The policy of permanent occupation and destruction of villages was implemented … where Arab attacks had imperiled the lifelines of the Jewish community; the road to Jerusalem and the area around the MAPAM settlement, Mishmar Ha’emeq.” Benvensti, however, believed that the vast majority of the 380,000 refugees who left their homes by the end of May reflected the impact of the fighting not any ethnic cleansing policy.
Khalidi never mentions that the Nakba was defined by Constantin Zureiq as the catastrophe for the victory of any Jewish state on what is perceived as Arab ancestral land. In 1958, the Nakba was commemorated by radio stations of the United Arab Republic calling on the world’s Arab and Muslim states to hold a symbolic five minutes to mourn the establishment of Israel without any mention of the refugees. The refugees only become predominant during the 1990s when Arafat has to make the right-of-return central to his negotiating position.
When Khalidi discusses the collapse of two-state negotiations, he never mentions the right-of-return. Moreover, he claims that the second intifada, which began soon after negotiations collapsed, was the result of Ariel Sharon’s provocative presence on the Temple Mount which was the “match to set it off.”
Further inquiries, however, strongly suggested that Arafat had planned it. Hamas leader Mahmoud al-Zahar said in September 2010 that Arafat had ordered Hamas, as well as Fatah and the Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, to prepare to launch “military operations” against Israel. Mamduh Nofal, former DFLP military commander, recounted that Arafat “told us, now we are going to the fight, so we must be ready.”
Palestinian and Arab Citizens of Israel
Finally, Khalidi has no interest in examining the situation of the close to two million Arab citizens of Israel. This population has increasingly become integrated into the fabric of the country; and increasingly embraces the Israeli state. Indeed, Khalid is unwilling to assess the changing situation of those Palestinians living in East Jerusalem. In his sole reference, Khalidi writes:
According to a 2018 European Union report, the contribution of Arab East Jerusalem to the Palestinian GDP has shrunk from 15 percent in 1993 to 7 percent today … Due to its physical isolation and the strict Israeli permit policy, the city has largely ceased to be the economic, urban, and commercial center that it once was.
This weakened influence on the West Bank reflects East Jerusalem becoming integrally tied to the Israeli state. Over the last decade, East Jerusalem’s educational system has replaced the Jordanian curriculum and enables thousands of Palestinians there to attend Israeli universities. At the Hebrew University alone, 710 Arab students from East Jerusalem were enrolled in 2022, compared with only 36 five years earlier. (READ MORE: Supporting the Hamas Fantasy of Israel’s Destruction)
Another focus has been bringing jobs to East Jerusalem. The municipality’s Silicon Wadi plan establishes an innovation quarter for hi-tech companies. A total of 200,000 square meters will be devoted to high-tech businesses, 50,000 to hotels, and another 50,000 to commercial space. Jerusalem City Council member Laura Wharton of the leftwing Meretz party said: “The thinking here now is to develop high-tech and other industries that will allow people from East Jerusalem to find employment in Jerusalem.” Not surprisingly, a 2022 poll found that more East Jerusalem Palestinians favor being citizens of Israel than part of a Palestinian state.
Khalidi’s Palestinian narratives only concern the refugees. As to the two million Arab citizens and Palestinians living in East Jerusalem, he has nothing useful to say. Liberal Jews at the Forward and NIF who promote Khalidi’s book say more about their animus to Netanyahu than anything else.
Robert Cherry is an American Enterprise Institute affiliate and author of Arab Citizens of Israel: How Far Have They Come (Spring 2025).
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