Our article on the 10 Best Songs That Feature the Word ‘Queen’ in the Title became one of the most enjoyable ones we’ve written in this genre. The abundance of fantastic songs using “Queen” in the title certainly contributed to the fun. While the vast selection made it challenging to narrow down, it was a pleasure revisiting so many tracks—some of which we hadn’t heard in years. We typically aim to balance these lists with a mix of iconic bands and lesser-known ones. However, with so many undeniable classics to choose from, this list leans heavily on the well-loved hits. The post 10 Best Songs That Feature The Word ‘Queen’ In The Title appeared first on ClassicRockHistory.com.

Did you miss the other parts? Part 1 Part 2 Part 3 Part 4 Finally, as dawn began to break, the anger began to calm. In the moments right before the sun rose it seemed as though the new day reminded those involved in the melee that they had not yet slept. The crowd dispersed. The sirens stopped. Finally, after things had been quiet for a while, Max felt comfortable peeking out of the alley. She was stunned by what she saw. It looked like a war had broken out in downtown Athens. It was a far cry from the tour guides she’d carefully packed. The square was trashed. Garbage cans were still smoldering. A haze filled the air, whether from residual smoke or tear gas, she wasn’t sure. There was garbage strewn everywhere. Bricks and other rubble littered the streets. Windows were broken and a police car was still on fire. But the area was all but empty of people. A couple sat on an overturned bench smoking, paying no attention to the American woman. A homeless man rummaged through the trash scattered on the ground, looking for something of value. She motioned to her companions. Joan was moving very slowly as she pushed herself up from the wall, and Savannah took her arm to help. The last mile, Max thought, would be a long one. … It took everything in Max not to speed-walk her way to the Embassy. She linked arms with Joan to help herself stick with the older woman’s pace. “You two should go on,” Joan pleaded with them. “I’m slowing you down.” “Absolutely not,” said Max in a tone that her daughter would recognize to mean she brooked no argument. “We are not leaving you behind. We get there together or not at all.” Savannah nodded and added, “It’s okay, Joan. I’m tired too. We’re walking at just the right speed for my liking.” Max was glad when they began to emerge from the Exarcheia neighborhood. While it was an interesting place to visit for the counterculture during good times, these were not good times, and it was not currently a setting conducive to personal security. There was less graffiti now, and the buildings were in better repair. Nearly every window had been covered by the metal rolldown storm shutters so popular in Europe. Apparently, those weren’t just for use during Mother Nature’s storms. They rolled down or across to cover the glass with a mechanism that was deployed and locked from the inside. This protected the windows themselves from getting broken by an angrily thrown brick and dulled the noise of the protests for the people residing behind the protective barriers. The streets were still all but empty.  Here and there, the contents of trashcans still emanated smoke. Some were turned over on their sides, spilling garbage. It was a far cry from the city of yesterday, when it was filled with cheerful music, shopkeepers sweeping meticulously kept walkways, and people driving trucks with loudspeakers, announcing their services to potential buyers. There were no laughing crowds at the sidewalk cafes, no lines for coffee, and no businesses beginning to stir. It was desolate. However, the lack of interaction meant that they made better time. They didn’t have to duck into alleyways to hide from those who might not take kindly to their presence. It was a lot easier to avoid people when there weren’t any people around. Every urban survival expert from whom Max had ever learned said the number one threat during situations of civil unrest in city environments was other people. After this experience, she whole-heartedly concurred. The police, the protesters, heck, even the homeless guy, all seemed dangerous and threatening. The solitude was a relief. They set a slow but steady clip for the third mile and made it through the residential neighborhoods without further incident. That is, until they got close to Vasilissis Sofias, the street also known as Embassy Row. They were less than a quarter of a mile to the American Embassy and safety. But that last quarter of a mile might be even more dangerous than the three that had preceded it if the noise ahead was anything to judge by. If her ears could be trusted, it seemed that the protests weren’t finished everywhere in the city. Max pulled out her phone and went back to Google News to see what was going on. 9% remained of the life in her battery. She couldn’t stifle a groan when she saw the update. The protests had heated up during the night and angry people were marching on Embassy Row. Guards at the embassies of Argentina, Serbia, Malta, and the United States were on high alert as the crowds were concentrated there. Fantastic, Max thought. So close yet so far away. How are we going to get through that? Be the gray women, she decided. The gray man (or woman) theory was a popular premise in the prepper world. It had roots, like many preparedness philosophies, in the military world. The basic concept was that a person who was trying not to be noticed should do everything possible to blend in with the crowd, or the “baseline.” Baseline, another military-originated concept, meant the general atmosphere at the current time. To stand out from the crowd meant that you were putting a target on your back. In a group that was angrily protesting, the best way to blend in would be to protest with them. They didn’t want to appear to be American in a group of Greeks. They would do best by looking like one of the protestors. Then they could move along with the crowd. It would take longer to get to their destination, but it would be far safer. She sat down on the bench beside her companions and quickly explained the situation to them. “I think we need to blend in with the protestors,” she suggested. “We can pull our hoods up and march with them!” Savannah agreed. “You guys wait here,” Max told them. “I’m going to go check things out.” She put on her sunglasses and pulled up her hood, leaving Savannah and Joan on the park bench. She jogged a little closer to the crowd to get an idea of what was going on. She found some signs that had been dropped and stepped on. She picked three of them up and rubbed the shoeprints into the paper with the hem of her shirt. It’s a good thing this hoodie is black, she thought. Otherwise, she’d have been noticeably dirty. A lot of folks were wearing head to toe black, she observed, so the hoodies would serve as camouflage to help them “go gray” and blend in. The crowd was chanting what seemed to be anti-capitalist slogans, which tied in with last night’s protests at the market. Max took her signs and returned to where her friends awaited. “Here’s what we’re going to do.” If you want to read about the rest of Max’s escape from Athens, name your price for the novella here. The post Three Miles: Part 5 appeared first on The Organic Prepper.

“Congratulations President-elect Donald Trump on your historic election,” British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer posted on X at 3:21 a.m. ET Wednesday. The best that can be said about this tepid concession is that Starmer got his concession in before Kamala Harris did. Make no mistake. This is not the result Britain’s Labour Party wanted. Starmer’s party was heavily invested in a Harris win and did everything it could to bring it about. On July 4, Starmer won a landslide majority in the House of Commons with the lowest share of the popular vote (33.7%) for a winning party since 1919. Yet within a month, Sofia Patel, the Labour Party’s head of operations, was emailing Labour staffers to “help our friends across the pond elect their first female president.” Patel added, somewhat condescendingly: “Let’s show those Yanks how to win elections.” More importantly than Labour Party foot soldiers pointlessly stomping around North Carolina for Harris, Starmer dispatched several of his top aides—including Morgan McSweeney, Labour’s campaign strategist and now Starmer’s chief of staff, and Matthew Doyle, Downing Street’s director of communications—to brief the Harris team at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Little good did it do. In September, they were followed by Deborah Mattinson, who had run focus groups for former Prime Minister Tony Blair and served as Starmer’s director of strategy until Election Day. She would tell the Harris campaign “to put the ‘hope and change stuff’ to one side,” one of her colleagues told Politico. Both Starmer and Harris are former prosecutors. Like Starmer, Harris would be “relentlessly pushing this message that she’s a prosecutor who has put criminals behind bars,” explained Jonathan Ashworth, director of the Labour Together think tank. That didn’t do much good, either. Labour’s hatred of the new president-elect is personal and visceral. In June 2019, during the Conservative Party’s leadership election, Starmer posted: “An endorsement from Donald Trump tells you everything you need to know about what is wrong with Boris Johnson’s politics and why he isn’t fit to be Prime Minister.” In 2017, Wes Streeting, now Starmer’s health secretary, tweeted: “Trump is such an odious, sad, little man. Imagine being proud to have that as your President.” Streeting’s insult was aimed not only at Trump but also at Americans. The most sustained anti-Trump vitriol came from the Harvard Law School-educated foreign secretary, David Lammy. In 2017, Theresa May, then prime minister, planned a state visit for Trump. “Yes, if Trump comes to the U.K. I will be out protesting on the streets,” Lammy tweeted. “He is a racist KKK and Nazi sympathiser.” In an unhinged rant denouncing the visit, Lammy also condemned Trump for his “shameful behavior on the international stage. We stand with the American people, but we absolutely say, ‘our democratic values are opposed to the misogyny, opposed to the racism, opposed to [then-Trump aide] Steve Bannon and the horrible white supremacy he seems to stand for.’” In an August interview with The Spectator (its new editor, Michael Gove, endorsed Harris as “the lesser of two evils”), Woody Johnson, Trump’s ambassador to the Court of St. James in his first term, described Lammy’s description of Trump as a “neo-Nazi-sympathizing sociopath” as “not a wise comment.” But then Johnson allowed that “those things happen in politics … there’s always a way to recover if you want.” To his credit, Lammy has been doing his best to mend fences. In July, he told the BBC, “Donald Trump has the thickest of skins,” and observed that his running mate, Sen. JD Vance, whom he’d met several times, had used some pretty choice language about Trump in the past. Of the new vice president-elect, Lammy said they shared similar working-class backgrounds and addiction issues in their families. “We’ve written books on that, we’ve talked about that, and we’re both Christians,” he said. “So I think I can find common ground with JD Vance.” Harder to paper over than the history of personal insults is the yawning policy gap between the Labour government and the incoming Trump administration. To Labour, there is no issue more important than climate change. Ed Miliband, Labour’s climate change secretary, whom Charles Moore rightly describes as Labour’s spiritual leader, is a net-zero zealot. On the day Americans were voting for Trump and the return of American energy dominance, Miliband was giving Starmer’s Cabinet a bleak picture of climate change. “Climate change is a threat to national security and growth, given [it] could force more than 200 [million] people globally to migrate, the global economy could be 19% smaller in 2049 than it would be otherwise [and] it could put an additional 600,000 people in U.K. at risk of flooding,” Pippa Crerar, The Guardian’s political editor, reported him saying. This puts the Labour Party on a collision course with Trump and his pledge to pull out of the Paris climate agreement. With the U.S. Senate in Republican hands, Trump might well go a step further than what he did in his first term, and send the agreement—a treaty in all but name—to the Senate for its advice and consent, as required by the Constitution. Doing so would make it impossible for a future president to rejoin. It would lead to howls of outrage from the climate-industrial complex and render their unachievable and unaffordable net-zero programs pointless. And it’s not only climate change. A week before the election, Labour unveiled a massive tax, spend, and borrow budget. In its first budget in 14 years, Labour raised taxes by 40 billion pounds ($51.6 billion), borrowing by 28 billion pounds ($36.1 billion), and public spending by 70 billion pounds ($90.3 billion). The budget constitutes a doomed-to-fail bet that transferring around 2.5% of gross domestic product from the wealth-generating private sector to the zero-productivity-growth public sector will, by some undefined form of alchemy, improve Britain’s poor economic performance. It is here that Trump’s second term could well have the biggest positive impact on Britain—by holding up Labour’s disastrous economic policies for comparison with Trump’s supply-side economics. Originally published by RealClearWire We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of The Daily Signal. The post Biggest Transatlantic Loser in Trump’s Victory: Britain’s Labour Government appeared first on The Daily Signal.

Thank God for the Electoral College

It's all down to the design of the mirrors.

The economic law of supply and demand dictates that if the supply of goods or services outpaces demand, prices fall. Most politicians understand this and commonly invoke that law in response to public discontent about high consumer costs. When it comes to housing, however, leading Democrats are offering lip service to supply, while simultaneously engaging in counterproductive schemes to deflect responsibility for rising costs. Instead of addressing the true sources of inflation and economic instability, the administration’s go-to response is to take cheap shots at the private sector.Addressing the national housing shortage will require an estimated 1.7 million new homes each year, on average, until 2030. As its response to this crisis, the Biden-Harris administration has chosen a desperate, partisan approach by scapegoating private-sector technology through litigation.The Department of Justice is suing rental industry software company RealPage Inc., alleging it played a role in raising rents for apartments and multifamily dwellings. Blaming a single data analytics company for the nationwide housing shortage and inflationary pressures may seem bizarre — and it is. We need real solutions.What is RealPage? In addition to providing property management tools like IT support platforms and renter verification systems, RealPage offers assessments of rental asset metrics such as vacancy rates, leasing term trends, projected occupancy, and anticipated consumer demand.Property managers need quick analysis to set prices appropriately within the market. Setting prices too low risks financial disaster by failing to capture fair market value in a market with razor-thin margins. Setting them too high, however, discourages consumers, leading to empty units and daily losses.Without evidence from the Justice Department showing where rents have risen excessively, the claims of market power against RealPage appear dubious at best. Leasing companies with about 3 million units nationwide use RealPage’s market price assessment tools. If the government’s accusation held merit, it could point to plenty of examples to support the charge.Unwarranted attacks on data analytics tools represent the latest effort by a Biden-Harris administration that frequently makes baseless claims of misconduct across industries struggling to survive under the challenging economic conditions this administration has created.Last year, for example, the Justice Department sued to block JetBlue’s acquisition of Spirit Airlines. Biden-Harris central planners attempted to dictate travelers’ options while fostering an environment that stifles innovation and limits airlines’ ability to reduce fares.In another troubling example, the Biden-Harris administration targeted the grocery sector. When Kroger sought to acquire Albertsons, the Federal Trade Commission quickly challenged the acquisition, citing unfounded competition concerns and potential price hikes. This stance ignores the steep price increases driven by administrative policies and unchecked government spending, which have cost taxpayers over $2 trillion.Instead of addressing the true sources of inflation and economic instability, the administration’s go-to response is to take cheap shots at the private sector — companies that aim to innovate and create market efficiencies that benefit consumers.Improving the housing market starts with lawmakers overhauling the nation’s notoriously burdensome construction codes and regulations. Rising material costs due to tariffs, lengthy permitting processes, construction workforce shortages, restrictive zoning laws, and environmental requirements all create cost pressures that discourage building the new housing America desperately needs.Since returning to my native Arizona several years ago, I’ve seen firsthand the influx of people moving here, naturally driving up rents. Unfortunately, under our Democratic attorney general, state officials have joined the Biden-Harris administration in ignoring the real causes of rising market costs, previously filing their own lawsuit against RealPage. After 20 years of Republican leadership that made Arizona attractive to newcomers, Democratic leaders now regrettably pursue a misguided path that stifles innovation.To address housing affordability, we must tackle supply shortages and inflationary pressures. Instead, the federal government under Biden and Harris has chosen to scapegoat a software company and mislead consumers about how the housing market works. Americans shouldn’t fall for such false narratives.

Bill Maher Tells Loser Democrats 'LOOK in the Mirror!' Let's See If They Listen

Have you ever felt so moved emotionally after playing a video game that you cant help but cry? As interactive storytelling boundaries are pushed in the gaming medium, more creators seek to elicit powerful emotional responses from their audience.

There is something distinctly terrifying about Japanese Horror. With its terrifying monsters and even more horrifying stories, Japanese Horror remains distinctly scary in ways other horror subgenres cant compare.